Germany Needs to Bury Hitler

On February 14, speaking at the Munich Security Conference, the vice president of the United States warned the attendees of threats to Europe’s well-being. The peril does not come from Russia or China. Rather, JD Vance criticized what he called “the threat from within”—the suppression of free speech, nullification of elections, and sidelining of political parties. These threats to democracy have been occurring in Romania, Great Britain, and Germany, to name a few.

As a German native, I am familiar with the German situation. Twenty percent or more of voters are likely to support the AfD (Alternative für Deutschland) in the election to be held on Sunday, February 23, making it the second most popular party, not far behind the CDU (Christlich Demokratische Union). The AfD has been part of the Bundestag since 2017. Vance didn’t mention the party by name, but he requested the German political parties to tear down their “firewall”—namely, their agreement not to cooperate with the AfD, which has been deemed “far right.” Vance warned that this establishment policy would mean excluding a significant number of German citizens from political participation. 

The vice president also cited a former European commissioner, who had warned that Sunday’s election could be annulled “if things don’t go to plan”—which is to say, if the AfD gets too many votes. It wouldn’t be the first time something like this has happened in Germany. When the AfD surprisingly co-elected the liberal FDP (Freie Demokratische Partei) candidate Thomas Kemmerich as minister president in Thuringia in February 2020, then-chancellor Angela Merkel and today’s finance minister Christian Lindner of the FDP pressured Kemmerich to resign in an attempt to reverse the election—a coup d’état that was later officially declared unconstitutional.

Vance’s speech amounted to a call to treat the AfD as a normal political party representing an important constituency in Germany. This appeal has only put the German elites on high alert, as they have undermined the democratic rules by invoking diffuse globalist values for a long time. 

These elites are driving Germany toward a crisis. In recent weeks, several hundred thousand people have demonstrated against the CDU after they voted with the AfD to pass a motion calling for tougher asylum and border rules on January 29, showing that the ruling powers are willing to foment unrest—including outbreaks of violence now and then—to sustain their position. 

Vance asked a pointed question: What is Europe defending itself for? “What is the positive vision?” Truth be told, German elites have difficulty answering this question, because decades of political education have been based on a negative vision: “Never again.” The German mentality is fixated on preventing a re-run of World War II and the Holocaust.

What is Germany’s positive vision? Beyond moralistic warnings about the second coming of Hitler and empty talk of “European values,” my native land doesn’t have one. This is not just a deficit; it is a highly alarming state of affairs. The nation is being ruled without a compass.

The negative vision characterizes other countries, but it is especially strong in Germany. For decades, the singular imperative has been to “come to terms with the past” by remembering Germany’s historical failures. German elites imagine that this hypocritical negative nationalism will lead to the reeducation not only of Germany, but of the world as a whole, creating an anti-fascist internationale. Chancellor candidate Friedrich Merz is playing this tune when he says: “One ’33 is enough for Germany”—equating an AfD coming to power with Hitler’s takeover in January 1933.

German populism arises because a different view has gained credence, not of 1933, but of 2025. AfD voters (and many others) recognize that 1933 was more than ninety years ago. They want to concentrate on the problems of the present and the future: mass migration, demographic decline, ruinous climate fundamentalism, de-militarization, and economic challenges. 

Unfortunately, the supposedly “moderate” political establishment in Germany has become the engine of extremism. Those who believe that the AfD represents the danger of fascist resurrection—which is to say the entire state leadership, the big media, large sections of the middle and upper classes—must do everything in their power to destroy the political influence of the AfD. This mentality will justify extra-democratic means to “save democracy.” 

Present-day Germany is a large ship whose engines are stuttering. To get them to run again, Germany’s deep internal division must be overcome. Here’s one place to start: Recognize that the present struggle need not be Manichean. There are two forms of national consciousness or nationalism in Germany. The rising popularity of the AfD indicates a growing resistance against negative national feeling and a desire to move beyond the nation’s fixation on 1933. The negative vision, which insists on continued German self-criticism, is also a type of nationalism. It is nationalism from the left that promotes German leadership in the quest for a post-national, globalist future. These are quite different visions of Germany. Why can’t voters choose between them without stigma?

To allow for this possibility, it would be necessary first to bury Hitler. But even to propose this first step triggers national hysteria. The negative fixation on Hitler and National Socialism paralyzes German elites and makes them incapable of overseeing a democratic debate about the future of Germany.

As the election nears, two fearful parts of German society are facing each other—and both are concerned about the future of Germany. One fears a return of Hitler; the other warns of the increasingly totalitarian and post-democratic tenor of anti-fascism. The feelings of both sides express a common concern for Germany. If the Germans could concede that they are united in their concern about the catastrophe of the past—one side fearing its repetition; the other side fearing its negative domination of the German political imagination in the twenty-first century—they might more easily accept that their fears can lead to different political opinions. 

Germans should welcome JD Vance’s call for Europe to tear down its “firewalls.” His speech was the most important speech given in Germany since Pope Benedict XVI addressed the Bundestag in 2011. We don’t need to agree with JD Vance. But we do need to treat political dissent and debates about national identity as a normal part of the democratic process. If we fail to do so, then for all the talk of “saving democracy,” we’ll destroy it.

Image by Conceptphoto. Image cropped.